Economic theory and the Swedish deregulation experience: a warning and not an example*
FERDINAND E. BANKS**
Abstract
Electric deregulation in Sweden 
is an obvious failure insofar as distribution firms and consumers are concerned. 
The winners are the large generating companies and the government. Furthermore, 
the losers recognize this situation even if the deregulators and their various 
support groups still are unable to admit that the deregulation 'experiment' 
should not have been launched. Although cost-wise Swedish electricity - which is 
based on hydro and nuclear - is (together with Norway) the most inexpensive in 
the OECD, and probably the industrial world, its price to Swedish consumers and 
small businesses is now among the highest in Europe. Even large industries, 
which before deregulation always paid the lowest price in the world for 
electricity, now find themselves severely disadvantaged, and if they cannot 
obtain inexpensive electricity from Eastern Europe - much of it based on coal - 
have threatened to move as much of their energy intensive operations as possible 
out of the country. This is a common story throughout much of the OECD, and in 
the long run it could bring about severe macroeconomic, political and social 
damage.
The former Swedish industry minister, who is a warm friend of deregulation, has 
said that Swedish electricity prices are going to climb to record levels. 
According to that gentleman, the ”hard competition” in the electric industry has 
favored consumers, but now – in his opinion – the postponing or cancelling of 
physical investments due to the negative price developments resulting from this 
so-called competition must come to an end, and in order to finance new 
production capacity, electricity prices must escalate.
No matter what you believe or do not believe about deregulation in Sweden, it is 
difficult to accept that it has favored consumers. In fact a main reason for 
deregulation was to enable Swedish firms to sell low-cost Swedish electricity to 
Germany, which had the highest electricity prices in Western Europé. And 
although the two most recent Swedish finance ministers can hardly claim that 
they possess an advanced knowledge of economic theory, they understood perfectly 
that the ensuing rise in domestic (i.e. Swedish) power prices meant extra 
billions of Swedish crowns in tax revenues, I think that I have made some good 
decisions as to how I should buy electricity, but even so I am very annoyed by 
my electricity bills, and the same is true for colleagues who are a great deal 
more careful in this matter than myself. Some observers say that the high 
electricity prices of the past few years are not due to deregulation, but a 
shortage of rain which has kept reservoir levels low, and thus reduced the 
output of hydroelectric installations. As it happens, however, on a recent 
occasion the water that provides a large part of the Swedish electricity reserve 
was turned into electricity and sold at a time when it was judged highly 
profitable for the now deregulated power companies, but which happened to be 
wrong for the country as a whole. 
What this means is that the electricity reserves have occasionally fallen to a 
record low level – perhaps as low as 7%, as compared to a 12-14% normal level. 
While this was taking place, the competition that Mr Industry-Minister was so 
proud of led to the 5 or 6 firms that produced almost 90% of the (wholesale) 
electricity in Sweden gradually being reinvented as 3 firms.
Before continuing, let me say that speaking as a student and teacher of 
economics and finance, I have nothing at all against this change in the 
composition of the electric sector. However I am unable to be so blasé about 
those aspects of the Swedish deregulation picture in which some of the lowest 
cost electricity in the world drastically increased in price as a result of 
consumers allowing themselves to be convinced that it was beneficial to 
disregard their self-interest in the name of ’competition’, without being 
informed of the disadvantages that could result from this transition.
Facing the music
For the past few years I have been giving talks on oil and the deregulation 
of electricity at various conferences. Here I want to emphasize that I am not an 
intemperate conference habitué, but a teacher of economics and finance who 
happens to be in possession of important information about certain existing and 
proposed deregulation experiments. I am also aware that my uncompromising 
approach to this topic has lost me the sympathy of many persons who attend these 
meetings.
Frankly, this doesn’t bother me at all. One reason is because at a recent 
international meeting of the International Association for Energy Economics (IAEE), 
members of the electric deregulation booster club kept a low profile. Even 
Professor David Newbery, chairman of the Department of Applied Economics at 
Cambridge University, and once a leading deregulation theorist, failed to assure 
his audience that the day would soon arrive when they could luxuriate in one of 
the deregulated paradises that was he working so hard to create. As to be 
expected though, the many failures of electric deregulation have escaped the 
attention of Swedish representatives of the club, and so given the opportunity 
they continue to spread the kind of misrepresentations that could result in huge 
economic losses for their country.
Professor Nils-Henrik von der Fehr, of Oslo University, once wrote that the 
Nordic power sector reform is a definite success so far (2002). Actually it 
has been a failure from the start, if you compare results with expectations, 
although an academic in Sweden who plays fast and loose with this description 
can say goodbye to research and travel money! I am certain that Professor 
von der Fehr knows this as well as I do, because he has the kind of analytical 
ability that many charter members of the Nordic deregulation booster clubs would 
work night and day to acquire if they were not overwhelmed by growing 
uuncertainties. He knows a few other things too. In the same review he wrote:
”However, it is also true that in some respects the model has not been tested. Although over-capacity has been reduced, the market has never been really tight except, perhaps, this winter. Consequently, we do not actually know how the model will perform in such circumstances. Is the market mechanism flexible enoough so that demand will be met and rationing avoided? As over-capacity is eroded, will new investments be forthcoming at the required rate? And will tighter market conditions – in combination with increased concentration – mean that market power, which has not really been an issue so far, becomes more of a problem in the future.”
Market power is not a future problem. Because of deregulation, it is a problem 
today in Sweden and Norway, and almost certainly elsewhere. As for the 
over-capacity syndrome, this is something that I never really understood – 
largely because in the context of Sweden and Norway, it wasn’t worth 
understanding. Let me also note that Frank Wolak (2003) and other investigators 
in California have shown that in a deregulated electric market, strategic 
bidding can provide unilateral market power. 
Von der Fehr says that new problems emerge as the power industry develops, and 
regulators must maintain their ”alertness” in order to adjust the model as 
required. On the basis of existing evidence, however, it could be argued that 
many regulators have no alertness to maintain.
As I like to emphasize, the only thing that is necessary to comprehend what is 
taking place in the great world of electric deregulation is an open mind. J.A. 
Casazza, an engineer and president of the American Education Institute, claims 
that the annual cost of a comprehensive electric market restructuring in the US 
would be about 28 billion dollars (2001). This may or may not be true, but 
regardless of the cost, what I find interesting is his contention that when 
restructuring was initiated in California, some engineers were required to sign 
confidentiality agreements that kept them from discussing the problems that were 
almost certain to emerge in a deregulated setting. Casazza also suggests that 
economists from some of the most prestigious universities in the United States 
have failed to fully comprehend the electric power industry. He believes that 
the economic theory used in restructuring the electric power industry is badly 
flawed.
The problem is not the theory, but the people using it. The theory would more 
than suffice if there were not, as US Congressman Peter de Fazio observed, 
”millions and billions” are on the table. Millions and billions for the Enrons 
of this world; thousands and tens of thousands for certain academics who 
pointedly ignore discussions on this subject in the wonderful microeconomics 
textbooks that are now available, because they feel that it is not in their 
interest to discover that electric deregulation is a crusade whose justification 
has a pronounced voodoo content. There is also a near-conspiracy to ignore or 
downgrade the historical evidence, which includes outright failures in 
California and Ontario (Canada), fiascoes in Alberta (Canada), Brazil, and 
Montana (USA), and an ongoing botch in Sweden, Norway, and South Australia. I 
can also mention outlandish price variability in some of the midwestern and 
eastern states in the US, as well as in Australia; and lower reliability just 
about everywhere. Unexpected and painful outcomes have occasionally surfaced in 
the UK, Germany, and New Zealand, although in those regions we will have to wait 
until the inevitable decrease in physical investment (and increases in the cost 
of inputs such as gas) leads to the price rises that, hopefully, will bring 
consumers of electricity to their senses.
Final remarks and conclusion
When I began this contribution, I gave some thought to explaining in detail why 
Nord Pool (i.e. the Nordic Electric Exchange) is a superfluous departure, 
despite the ability of untruths and pseudo-science to give it an undeserved 
respectability. The reason I won’t is because examining the background and 
interior mechanics of this elaborate deception requires more than the 
comparatively short time available in a conference or workshop.
But even so, I am satisfied that making an informal case against Nord Pool is no 
more difficult than doing the same thing with (physical) electricity trading in 
the US, which the international business press has now revealed as a gigantic 
bluff. To begin, it is important to be aware that the finance literature in book 
form hardly bothers to mention materials on electricity derivatives. Undoubtedly, 
the best known books on derivatives/risk management are those of John Hull, 
however in none of his books is there more than a page on this subject, and 
generally there is less. Among other things, this shows that he is aware of the 
topic, but doesn’t think that it deserves to be examined in detail. By the same 
token, the mainstream economics journals are almost completely void of work on 
electricity derivatives. Electricity derivatives were first mentioned about ten 
years ago, and since that time hundreds of papers on various types of 
derivatives have appeared in the mainstream scientific periodicals, but to my 
knowledge none about electricity. The situation is not much better in the energy 
literature.
Not too long ago, liquidity problems caused the New York Mercantile Exchange (Nymex) 
to delist its electricity futures and options contracts. If this renowned New 
York exchange – which has enjoyed great success for decades – found it 
unprofitable to trade these particular assets, it seems presumptuous to assume 
that Nord Pool deserves to be regarded as a permanent component of anybody’s 
electric market. For reasons alluded to in my energy economics and international 
finance textbooks (2000, 2001), the trading of electricity futures and options 
involves enormous practical difficulties (due to basis risk for futures, and 
excessive premiums for options), and this is exactly what Nymex and, among 
others, the futures market in Sydney experienced. Contracts for differences are 
more useful, although for final consumers of electricity – households and 
businesses – it would be better if all derivatives were marginalised, and the 
old system for selling and buying power reintroduced.
Recently, in an editorial in the Financial Times (July 5, 2004), a plea 
was made to “set energy free”. The most interesting point here was the 
confession that “proponents of liberalisation no longer have the carrot of price 
cuts to lure people on.” Instead it was suggested that consumers should be 
grateful for a more “efficient” energy pricing. 
As it happens though, deregulation has always been sold to electricity consumers 
on the basis of assurances that electricity prices would decrease. As for ‘efficiency’, 
in the popular mind this means price cuts, and if it means something else then 
the less said about it the better. It also needs to be pointed out that in 
Sweden, also on July 5, it was finally recognized (in the largest morning 
newspaper in the country) that the success of electricity deregulation is a myth. 
Consumers have definitely lost, and perhaps some distribution companies. The 
power producers (i.e. wholesalers) have record profits (which they use to invest 
outside Sweden), while the largest winner is the government. 
Finally, given the bizarre mispricing that occasionally takes place in Nord 
Pool, I want to emphasize that it is only the lack of sophistication of Nord 
Pool’s customers that can keep the doors of this overpraised and arguably 
superfluous operation from closing in the near future, and staying closed 
forever. It has been said that new types of financial assets might appear soon, 
both in Oslo and New York, however these are a play for the gallery. The most 
valuable risk management tools in the electric market are still long term 
contracts in a regulated environment. 
References
Banks, Ferdinand (2001). Global Finance and Financial Markets. 
Singapore, New York and London: World Scientific.
______. (2000). Energy Economics: A Modern Introduction. Boston, 
Dordrecht, and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Casazza, J.A. (2001). ’Electricity choice: pick your poison’. Public Utilities 
Fortnightly (March). 
Losekann, Luciano and Joanne Evans (2003). ’Optimal power reform design’. Paper 
presented at the 2003 meeting of the International Association for Energy 
Economics, Prague, June 3-5.
Von der Fehr, Nils-Henrik (2002). ’Comment on Lars Bergman.’ Swedish Economic 
Policy Review, Number 9.
Wallace, Charles P. (2003). ’Power of the Market’. TIME, March 3.
Wolak, Frank A. (2003).’Measuring unilateral market power in wholesale 
electricity markets’. American Economic Review (May).
* Invited paper for the Second Asian Conference on Energy, Hong 
Kong Energy Studies Centre, August 24-25, 2003. I would like to thank the Centre 
director, Dr Larry Chow, for his help.
** Professor with the Nationalekonomiska Institutionen, Uppsala 
University, Dalbovagen 33D, Uppsala, Sweden, 75633. E-mail: ferdinand.banks@telia.com.
 
Pubblicato su www.ambientediritto.it il 09/10/2006